PLAN COLOMBIA II. IMPLICATIONS FOR LATIN AMERICA
GEOPOLITICAL
the geopolitical context of the late twentieth century
The announcement of the installation of a set of military bases in Colombia, with the support and advice U.S. presence should not be seen as out of context. All the growth is a general framework, which is located in the so-called Project for the New American Century (PNAC) or Project for the New American Century, formulated in 1992, essentially for two (2) very prominent figures in the George W. Bush, Paul Wolfowitz and Donald Rumsfeld. It identified the challenges to security and defense of the U.S. in the early twenty-first century emphasizing the need for greater control over the oil-supplying sources to the U.S. economy and industry.
Thus, the PNAC identified the priorities to be developed by U.S. foreign policy in the final years of the twentieth century and the beginning of the XXI. The actions of the PNAC, was the need to strengthen strategic ties with Latin American countries, while fostering economic integration projects. The period between the development of PNAC and its strategic setting in the government of George W. Bush, served to make a much more ambitious, which led to the claim to gain a political hegemony, economic and military around the world context. The events which culminated in the events of September 11, 2001, granted the U.S. an excuse to advance the full implementation of the principles of the PNAC.
Geopolitics insisted U.S. military preponderance and strategic partnerships with so-called "buffer states" or "states of containment", located in strategic and territorial considered key to U.S. interests. In this context, is that there is the proposed implementation of Plan Colombia, originally proposed and developed between 1998-2007, which included - against the achievement of the objectives of strengthening military-strategic U.S. in the region, installation, training and equipping of new groups fighting in Colombia's armed forces. Militarily resulted in: 1) installation and operation of five (5) radar in different zones of Colombia (San Andrés Island, Riohacha, Vichada, San José de Guaviare and Leticia), 2) formation of Rapid Response Brigades ( BAR) to mobilize a group of troops with great firepower and counterinsurgency and 3) reinforcement of military bases located in Tres Esquinas (Putumayo, bordering Ecuador) and Tolima. Behind all the pretext of combating against drug trafficking are coordinated economic lucrative contracts for American corporations such as DynCorp (military and police training), Lockheed Martin (radar and aircraft maintenance), Bell Helicopter Textron (sale and maintenance of helicopters Blackhaw), Sikorsky Aircraf (equipment and selling helicopter gunships), which have allowed Colombia to increase its military capability and offensive power of reaction, creating serious imbalances in South America strategic.
The MEANING OF PLAN COLOMBIA II
The 1st phase of Plan Colombia, developed through 2006, included an investment of 10 thousand 700 million dollars which increased the military capabilities of Colombia, bringing its armed forces over 400,000 personnel, a figure well above the 160,000 soldiers that had before 1998. Phase II of Plan Colombia, called Strategy for Strengthening Democracy and Social Development, represents an investment of 43 000 U.S. $ 800 million, mostly in equipment, maintenance and strengthening of the military structure. You should not lose sight that this phase is the epicenter of action the border areas with Ecuador and Venezuela, increasing tension between the government of Uribe with Chavez and Correa.
The scope of this phase of Plan Colombia, has not been sufficiently explained by the Colombian authorities, who have denied the public circulation of the terms of the agreement with the U.S., one controversial aspect of the Plan. This has generated enormous resistance, from the South American Defence Council of the newly formed Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), a body promoted by the geopolitical convergence of Venezuela and Brazil, with the consent and support of the presidents of Bolivia (Evo Morales) and Ecuador (Rafael Correa), as well as Kisnher Cristina (Argentina).
There is an additional aspect that has not yet been named, is the subject of existing oil fields in the Gulf of Venezuela. As is known, Colombia is a dispute Venezuela product with the claim of maritime areas (continental shelf, territorial sea and exclusive economic zone) in that geographic location. The claim is based on the fact that Colombia has 36 kilometers of coastline in the Gulf, resulting from the gap in Punta Espada (starting site for the Gulf of Venezuela) and lattice (border colombo-venezolana/hito No. 1). This historic demand of Colombia assumes greater weight when considering the fact that in this area have found huge deposits of oil and taking into consideration the reports of the International Energy Agency (IEA) indicate that our neighbor are just under 40 years of reserves hydrocarbons, will understand the gravity of the development of military plans in the Caribbean from Colombia and the United States for energy geopolitics government of Hugo Chávez.
Yes this is not enough, we can not fail to note that Phase II, including the promotion of the foundation established in the Colombian Amazon, bringing the threat of military presence extending to Brazil. To all this, you must join them anti-American climate fostered by a left that has surrounded the electoral scene in South America, which ended up in a situation of great tension for the beginning of the 2nd decade of the century.
Dr. Juan Eduardo Romero
Historian
researcher Juane1208@gmail.com
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