PSUV: CRISIS IN THE ZULIA
The operation of the PSUV is highly contradictory, especially as it is geographical space Zulia . Yes it must be recognized the efforts of organization and mobilization advance between 2008 - 2009, we can not criticize the inaction in which it is immersed Chavez's party.
In Zulia, is a situation in another context should be exploited. Manuel Rosales's flight resulting in a solid blow the leadership structure of the opposition in the state. Although we have no doubt that the power structure has not been removed, the fact of the absence of Rosales has unleashed a struggle for control of the device between supporters of Paul Perez and those who crave to reach spaces.
output Rosales, unleashed the demons of personal desires in the PSUV Zulia, the various factions - that still exist within the party-are in the dilemma of coalesced around the leadership of Omar Prieto, Mayor of San Francisco or aligned with Louis Caldera, Mayor Mara. However, you can not help noticing that the PSUV operational disruption is evident in the city of Maracaibo. The structure political party has done nothing to regain electoral areas in the state capital, which is key to the realization of any electoral success. Until that happens, the Mayor - Manager-Daniel Ponn has launched a fierce presence in every parish, bringing forward investment plans, handing out perks and benefits, thereby seeking to become the official candidate of UNT, when convened by the CNE .
The PSUV has not responded to the governance of Ponn and much less to what was done by Paul Perez, who quietly increase political control inherited from Manuel Rosales. However, the development of the PSUV in Zulia, continues as usual: epileptic.
to continue that inaction, under the terrible internal competition, the outcome of any election will be the same: the defeat of Chavez. That is an indication that the ideological work has been - to say the least-poor. On the other hand, it appears that the proposal of the 3 R - revision, rectification and relaunch "has not been understood. Bers to say what we say: let's see if the Municipality of Maracaibo. The difference between Paul Perez and Di Martino was nearly 120,000 votes (333,955 vs. 219,256), with overwhelming defeats in popular parishes where it is assumed that the programs and the national government action act. In these areas, the opposition to Chavez has increased their presence, reducing the advantage that the PSUV had Antonio Borjas Romero and Francisco Eugenio Bustamante, while UNT widens lead in parishes as Chiquinquirá Aranza Christ, Bolivar, Coquivacoa, Cecilio Acosta. These figures speak of inaction in the state capital, a behavior that has no justification to consider that the main opposition leader is fled and the government increased economic activity through PDVSA.
The situation is even more disturbing to look at other municipalities where the PSUV won spaces. Such is the case of Cabimas, where the Mayor's recovery of control exercised by AD-UNT. However, the results of December 2008 when the PSUV candidate won with little advantage can be reversed if not consolidated local presence, yes will lead to the unification of the opposition parties control of the PSUV in Cabimas be lost. This case is an excellent example of the difficulties in consolidating government action in Zulia. Paradoxically analyzed as relying on the financial support of PDVSA, has not been achieved electoral success in the oil broker (Simón Bolívar, Lagunillas). The explanation must be sought in the perfect cultural manipulation that has been building opposition to appropriate identification with the socio-historical values \u200b\u200bin the region. As this happens, el PSUV sigue en luchas intestinas, sin sentido en cada espacio. Bajo ese escenario, rescatar al Zulia del control de la oposición luce, por decir lo menos, imposible. Habrá que ver sí la dirigencia regional tiene la voluntad de aplicar las 3 R, en mí parecer eso no ocurrirá.
Dr. Juan Eduardo Romero
Historiador
Juane1208@gmail.com
30/09/2009
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