SOCIALISM IN VENEZUELA: THE HIGHER THE
PSUV
The debate over the construction of socialism in Venezuela has gone through two actors really significant. One of them, the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) emerged in the early 70's of last century, the product of a division of the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV). The other, the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), emerged from a strategy of unity of forces posed by President Hugo Chavez immediately after his victory December 2006.
There is, in our humble opinion as a scholar of the history of ideas in Venezuela, a common trunk between the two projects: the denial of Soviet dogmatism or the so-called real socialism. Both the MAS and the PSUV, became manifest in the mouth of some of its main representatives (Teodoro Petkoff, Hugo Chavez) very strong criticism to the deviation of the CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union), which led to the decision-making over limiting the debate and discussion, ending in the construction of a very rigid society, denying the revolutionary character of socialism proposed by Marx, in Capital and in other jobs.
The way they denied a difference between the two movements. While the MAS, initially defined as a socialist party Marxist-Leninist party affiliation, was gradually giving way to discussion on socialist construction to move by a reformist then ended and pragmatic structure is outdated today. The position exemplified by the attitude of former leaders of MAS, as Julio Montoya or my good friend William Barnett, who today are the social side - represented by A New Time, reflects an old argument that was raised internally MAS about the impossibility of building a socialist alternative to the hegemonic project AD and COPEI in the 70's and 80's, and therefore concluded that it was imperative to be subsumed under these political movements to be an option for power.
PSUV For his part, is also the dilemma of reform or revolution. And that situation should lead to a historical review ending and preventing MAS. On the one hand, certain elements of the structure of the PSUV are more dedicated to enjoy privileged conditions that result from the exercise hegemony - in the Gramscian sense, the power to build socialism. These sectors within the structure of the PSUV are deeply bureaucratic and fossilized as a threat to their privileges social organizational processes that occur under the figures of communities mobilized through water tables, power, community councils and others. In view of these reformers, lacking commitment and revolutionary ethics, it is essential to the enjoyment of power and use it for its own benefit.
there - and thank goodness this is the case, another section in the PSUV, structured in the ideological sense of the revolution, led by President Hugo Chavez and some other players who pose serious discussion about the construction of socialism. Priority for them is the process of building a cadre party, trained and hardened revolutionary ethic in which Che spoke Marx himself, while insisting on the organization and political education of citizens, as a condition of exercise participation. Leave holding the necessary review and changes in the relationships that make the actions of capital and labor. It is the path supported by Marx in the Grundrisse (the full title is Grundrisse der Kritik Oekonomie or Lines of Political Fundamental Critique of Political Economy, released in 1939 in Moscow) where he talks about the road to "socialist project" as a way leading to the dissolution of the conditions of exploitation and alienation of capitalism.
Marx's approach, which somehow is recovered by the truly revolutionary aspect of the PSUV led by Chavez, speaks of the need for a "universal development" of individuals in contrast to development "unidimensional" of capitalism, which relations are based alienation that allow the exploitation of man by man. It is, and in some ways this vision is embodied in the Plan Simón Bolívar (2007-2013) to build socius (friends, partners). This process involves a multiple action: first, the revolution of the productive and on the other, the revolution of consciousness on socialist education. It is this point, the mark of division between revolutionaries and reformists within the PSUV. The reformers are reluctant to change the objective conditions of capitalist exploitation, as this would mean the end of its enrichment facilities at the same time, resist the formation process that would make them "visible" to the rest of the militants really committed. Therefore, those who are active in the socialist construction next advocate training, discussion and construction of objective conditions of dissolution of the alienating nature of capitalism. We believe that the PSUV should carefully review the historical experience MAS, not to end as did their predecessors. History teaches life.
Dr. Juan Eduardo Romero
Historian
05/05/2009
Juane1208@gmail.com
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